Home Blog Page 34
By Reid Standish — On Jan. 1, one of Vladimir Putin’s most ambitious foreign-policy projects and a longtime Kremlin dream became a reality. Unfortunately for Putin and his colleagues in Moscow, nothing about the plan will work. The Eurasian Economic Union — a post-Soviet economic bloc of Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia — was designed to allow the Kremlin to reassert influence in its backyard and counterbalance the Brussels-based, 28-member-state European Union, which has inched towards Russia’s borders over the past decade. Instead, the Kremlin’s prestige project, announced in 2011, but floated as an idea since 1994, limped out of the start gate in 2015. Since taking power in 2000, Putin moved to rewrite the history of Russia’s tumultuous 1990s, a decade marred by war in Chechnya, an economic crisis in 1998, and a rudderless foreign policy in its former backyard. Putin not only made Russia’s military relevant once again by modernizing it and setting up military bases in neighboring countries, but also wielded influence with former Soviet countries by controlling economically vital oil and gas pipelines. The Eurasian Union was meant to be the next step to secure Moscow’s standing as the economic champion of the post-Soviet space.
नारायणमान बिजुक्छे — दिल्लीको संसद् भवनको अगाडिपट्टिको होटेलमा प्रचण्डजीलगायत माओवादीसँग गिरिजाबाबुले पहिलोपटक भेट गर्नुभएको। त्यहाँ भारतीय रक्षामन्त्री (तत्कालीन) जर्ज फर्नान्डिज पनि थिए। दोस्रो भेट दिल्लीबाट २२ किलोमिटर टाढा एउटा कृषि फर्ममा भएको थियो। त्यसबेला गिरिजाबाबु भारतीय जलसेनाको हेलिकप्टरमा जानुभएको थियो। त्योभन्दा ठूलो प्रमाण के चाहियो र? छँदै थिएन। त्यो गणतन्त्रको पनि थिएन। धर्मनिरपेक्षता पनि थिएन। जातीय कुरा पनि थिएन, संघीय राज्यको कुरा पनि थिएन। बाह्रबुँदे सहमति दिल्लीमा गएर जब भयो, त्यसपछिको हो यो। त्यसको 'स्पिरिट' हो भन्छन्। हामी दिल्ली गएकै हैन, हामीले भनेकै छैन। मसँग अरूको कुरा नमिल्नुको कारणै त्यही हो।
स्वयम्भुनाथ कार्की — नियम निलम्बनको आडमा सर्बसाधारण जनताको मत नै नलिई आफूखुशी धर्मनिरपेक्षता र गणतन्त्र घोषणा गर्नेहरु एकलौटी संविधानको खाका कोर्ने अधिकार माग्दैछन् भने यसै गरेर भोलि राष्ट्रियता समेत त्यागेर सिक्किमझैँ अन्य मुलुकमा बिलय गराउने कुचेष्टा हुँदैन भनेर आश्वस्त हुन सकिन्छ? देश अर्धउपनिवेश थियो भनेर हिजोको सत्ताको खोइरो खन्नेहरु हिजोको सत्ता जगैदेखि उखेलेको सफलताको उद्घोष गर्दै अहिले प्रमुख स्थानमा छन्। तिनै शक्तिहरु देशको आत्मसम्मान र गौरवलाई लत्याएर संविधान निर्माणजस्तो गहन विषयदेखि सरकार संचालनजस्तो सामान्य दैनिकीमा पनि विदेशीको आदेश र उपदेश खोज्दै छन्। विदेशीसँगको यो घुँडा टेकाइले नेपाल र नेपालीको गौरव बढाउँछ?
By Nitin A. Gokhale — As the contest between Sirisena and Rajpaksa tightens with each day, there must be some worried folks back in Beijing. The Chinese presence in vital sectors of Sri Lanka is huge, and the opposition, led by Sirisena and backed by former President Chandrika Kumaratunga and former Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe, is not exactly well-disposed towards Beijing. Consider this: Between 2005 and 2012, China provided $4.8 billion as assistance to Sri Lanka. Of this only 2 percent has been in the form of outright grants; the remaining 98 percent took the form of soft loans. By contrast, a third of India’s 1.6 billion dollars in assistance to the island comprises outright grants.
By Maila Baje — Our leaders are so carried away by their confidence in bringing out the new constitution by their self-imposed January 22 deadline that they have been going off on tangents. Realizing it or not, Prime Minister Sushil Koirala threw his cousins under the bus. “I will not be remembered as a Koirala who sold our rivers cheap,” the premier affirmed the other day. Granted, he was assuring a group of citizens demanding the scrapping of the project development agreement for the Upper Karnali hydro project. Yet, it’s hard to consider those comments outside Koirala’s general contortions about the inevitability of meeting the deadline. At the root of this perhaps lies the man’s sincere belief that he is a different prime minister working in different times. Just because his three Koirala predecessors as premier were associated with giving up Kosi, Karnali and Mahakali rivers respectively, Karnali – and Sushil – should not be automatically placed in that league, no matter how fluid our times.
By Binoy Kampmark In the latter part of 2014, China became the world’s largest economy, dethroning the United States which has held the position since 1872.  The technique for identifying such sizes will always be up for question, even if the IMF did account for the issue of purchasing power parity.  Those in the US can still summon relatively larger...
दामोदर कोइराला — विगतलाई केलाउँदा, नेम्वाङको यसबेला आएको यो प्रस्ताबमा गहिरो षडयन्त्र लुकेको स्पष्ट आभाष पाइन्छ। सभ्य समाजमा स्थापित प्रजातान्त्रिक मूल्य र मान्यताका आधारमा सभामुखको यो प्रस्ताब अराजक, अप्रजातान्त्रिक तथा निरंकूशताको छनक् दिने खालको छ। नेपाललाई धर्म निरपेक्ष बनाउने षडयन्त्र यिनै नेम्वाङले गरेको धेरैको आशंका अहिले आएर पुष्टि हुँदैगएको छ। जिम्मेवार नेताले आफ्नै पार्टीका नेता कार्यकारी प्रमुख भएका बेला उनैलाई पनि थाहा थिएन भन्नु आफैमा अति गम्भिर बिषय हो। २०४७ साल फागुन ७ गते शुरू भएको आन्दोलनकालागि 'प्रजातन्त्रप्रेमी' आन्दोलनकारी जनता पनि मित्रराष्ट्रकै सहयोगमा सिक्किम, भूटान र दार्जिलिङ्गतिरबाट सहयोग स्वरुप पठाइएका हुन्।

Beijing in South Asia

By C Raja Mohan Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s visit to Kathmandu and Dhaka in the last few days underlined, once again, the emergence of Beijing as the most important external economic power in the subcontinent. India’s challenge of coping with China’s growing economic weight in the subcontinent is far more demanding than dealing with its military power. The problem of...
युवराज घिमिरे
By Yubaraj Ghimire — But more people questioning the CA’s legitimacy is likely to drive home the message that Nepal’s political experiment has failed. Last week, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, on a visit to prepare for President Xi Jinping’s trip, sent a clear message to three top leaders by cancelling the meeting at the last minute. The explanation was that such a meeting would send across a message of interference. But in Kathmandu, it was taken as a message that the actors supported by the international community, including India, have failed, and China no longer wants to be seen on the same boat.
Professor Madhukar SBJ Rana — The rise of the Maoists in Nepal is not that the Indians were supporting. Their rise is an indigenous phenomenon. However, in my view, it was later on used by the Indian government to destabilize the then regime led by the King of Nepal, which resulted in the signing of the 12-point in New Delhi.
युवराज घिमिरे — इतिहासप्रतिको अनादर, वर्तमानको पूर्ण विध्वंस र दुवैका कारण अनिश्चित बन्दै गएको नेपाल र नेपालीको भविष्य यिनीहरूका हातमा कत्ति पनि सुनिश्चित छैन भन्ने निष्कर्षमा आम नेपाली पुगे पनि हुट्टिट्याउँका विविध समूह र नाइकेहरूले त्यो तथ्य स्विकारिसकेका छैनन्। परिवर्तनका नाममा बहालवाला न्यायाधीशलाई समेत शपथ दिलाइयो। र त्यो संस्कारको स्वाभाविक विकृतिको पराकाष्ठाका रूपमा खिलराज रेग्मी प्रधानन्यायाधीशको पद खल्तीमै राखेर कार्यकारी प्रमुख बने। उनीहरू नेताका लागि राजनीति गर्दैछन् या जनताका लागि? विदेशी राजदूतहरूले नेपालको संविधानको स्वरूप कस्तो हुनुपर्छ भनी खुलापत्र लेख्दा यीमध्ये कति युवाले त्यसको प्रतिकार गरे?
देबप्रकाश त्रिपाठी — धर्मनिरपेक्षता, शासकीय स्वरुप, सङ्घीयता र गणतन्त्रका बारेमा जनता सुसूचित थिएनन्। माओवादी हिंसात्मक युद्धको रापमा जनता पिल्सिएको मौका पारेर लिइएका निर्णयहरू सामान्य अवस्थामा स्वीकार्य हुन सक्दैन। नेपालमा दुईवटा प्रवृत्ति सुक्ष्म ढङ्गले विकसित भएको देखिन्छ– ‘नेतृत्वमा सामन्तिगुण र जनतामा दास मनोवृत्ति। राष्ट्र र राष्ट्रिय एकतालाई सुदृढ बनाउने मामिलामा राजाहरू कहिल्यै चुक्दैनथे। अध्ययन र चिन्तनशून्य व्यक्तिहरूको दिमागी उपजका रूपमा प्राप्त हुन आएका कथित उपलब्धि दिगो हुने ठान्न सकिँदैन।